The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order by Samuel P. Huntington - The classic study of post-Cold War international relations, more relevant. The Clash Of Civilizations by Samuel P. Huntington, , available at Book Depository with free delivery worldwide. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order is one of the most important books to have emerged since the end of the Cold War." --HENRY A.
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Compre o livro The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order na The central theme of this book is that culture and cultural identities, which at the. By Samuel P. Huntington The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order on musicmarkup.info *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Excellent Book. The Clash of Civilizations is a hypothesis that people's cultural and religious identities will be Huntington later expanded his thesis in a book The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. The phrase itself was earlier.
Latin America and the West, Africa and the West. The dynamics of fault line wars Huntington discusses a number of fault line wars that had recently occurred before he wrote his book. In my opinion his coverage of the Bosnian conflict is extremely biased. The reader would easily conclude that the Muslim majority countries concerned were behaving badly if he did not already know that they were responding to a major humanitarian outrage. If the United States withdraws its troops from Bosnia, neither the European powers nor Russia will have incentives to continue to implement the agreement, the Bosnian government, Serbs, and Croats will have every incentive to renew the fighting once they have refreshed themselves, and the Serbian and Croatian governments will be tempted to seize the opportunity to realise their dreams of a Greater Serbia and a Greater Croatia. The West, civilisations and civilisation Huntington is one of many people who write about civilisations.
Huntington, 79, was interviewed while sitting under an apple tree in the back yard of his summer home. His books include Who Are We? After the Cold War, you began to focus more on religion. What prompted this shift? Religion is one aspect of a major interest I developed during the Cold War in looking at the ways in which different societies evolved. I came to the conclusion that central for shaping how they evolve is their culture, meaning their values and attitudes.
Cultures evolve and change, but they almost always include large elements of tradition.
So I started looking at the different cultures around the world — obviously, there are large numbers of cultures — but it seemed to me there may be eight or nine major cultures: Western, Orthodox, Hindu, Islamic, Sinic, Buddhist, Latin American, African and Japanese. I began looking at the world in those terms, and that led me to the clash of civilizations and the relations among peoples of different cultures.
But it is very important because it furnishes the basis for people starting to think about international relations and how people relate to each other. I think we all feel much more at home with people who have similar cultures, language and values than we do with other people. There are many cultures in the world, most of them involving a relatively small number of people. But there are, I argue, maybe eight or nine major cultures, so I focus my attention on those — how they developed, how they are interacting with each other now and to what extent cultural differences make a difference in the way states deal with one another.
You see a very strong connection between culture and religion. Could you explain that? There are other things, such as language that are centrally important, but religion is also vitally important because it provides the framework in which people look out at the world. Language enables them to communicate with the world. Bur religion provides the framework, in most cases. Cold War policy. Why do you think that article struck such a nerve? I was rather surprised that it did when it was published.
If you set it forth five years too early, or five years too late, nobody pays attention to it. You were certainly ahead of the curve in focusing on religion.
Do you see your colleagues at Harvard and other academics realizing its importance? You say I was ahead of the curve, but I was part of a wave of thinking, as people became aware that, despite whatever secularization had occurred, most individuals did start their thinking from religious premises, even if these were just absorbed unconsciously from the environment in which they lived. As we commemorate the 5th anniversary of that tragic day, do you think he succeeded?
In large part, these difficulties are the result of the extent to which a good portion of the Muslim world was subject to Western colonialism. The peoples in those areas have now asserted themselves.
So you have a natural tension and conflicts occurring between the gradually retreating imperial powers and the asserting native people. Would you say that we are now in a full-fledged clash of civilizations? Not simply one clash, but clashes of civilizations certainly occur.
To a very large extent, most of the conflicts and wars are between people within the same civilization. Look at European history. The Europeans were fighting each other all the time. In the past, people in one civilization, for example, the Chinese or Europeans, have expanded, conquered and dominated people from other civilizations. The United States, as well as the European Union, Japan and other major actors all have to take into consideration the interests and probable responses of other major actors to what they do.
I think religion certainly plays a tremendously important role. It is manifest broadly, but not exclusively, in the rise of religious consciousness in the Muslim world. How can we defuse the tension with the Muslim world?
I think we have to take a calmer attitude and try to understand what their concerns are. I think we have to recognize that there are tremendous divisions within the Muslim world, between different varieties of Islam and different states.
It is a very pluralistic world. We should recognize it as such, and deal with the individual segments of that world, and try to accommodate, to the extent that we can, their particular interests. You have counseled the U. Inevitably, you end up having different types of relations with these different entities. There have been lots of issues. Some of them have been dealt with more successfully than others.
I guess I am reasonably satisfied with what has happened just because I can contemplate how it could have been so much worse.
What would the worse scenario look like? The development of major coalitions on each side, if the Muslim countries had come together effectively and attempted to reassert their control over broad sections of the West, which after all, they did control a thousand years ago when they controlled all of Spain and a good part of southern France.
You wrote in your latest book, Who Are We? If that is indeed true, how is this missionary core, if I can use that word, contributing to a clash of civilizations with Islam? We have an Anglo-Protestant culture. You used the word missionary. But, at times it certainly has been, because, after all, virtually all the settlements here on the East coast in the 17th and 18th century were established by religious groups.
In our origins we are a religious nation. We have sent missionaries out all over the world from the Protestant, Catholic and other denominations. Western religions are missionary religions. Do you see our attempt to export democratic values, some might say American values, as part of a missionary impulse or an Anglo-Protestant impulse?
As far as the United States is concerned, that impulse certainly derives from our Anglo-Protestant heritage. But that is not the only source. Russia, for example, clashes with the many Muslim ethnic groups on its southern border such as Chechnya but—according to Huntington—cooperates with Iran to avoid further Muslim-Orthodox violence in Southern Russia, and to help continue the flow of oil.
Huntington argues that a " Sino-Islamic connection " is emerging in which China will cooperate more closely with Iran , Pakistan, and other states to augment its international position. Huntington also argues that civilizational conflicts are "particularly prevalent between Muslims and non-Muslims", identifying the "bloody borders" between Islamic and non-Islamic civilizations. This conflict dates back as far as the initial thrust of Islam into Europe , its eventual expulsion in the Iberian reconquest , the attacks of the Ottoman Turks on Eastern Europe and Vienna, and the European imperial division of the Islamic nations in the s and s.
Huntington also believes that some of the factors contributing to this conflict are that both Christianity upon which Western civilization is based and Islam are: Missionary religions, seeking conversion of others Universal, "all-or-nothing" religions, in the sense that it is believed by both sides that only their faith is the correct one Teleological religions, that is, that their values and beliefs represent the goals of existence and purpose in human existence.
More recent factors contributing to a Western—Islamic clash, Huntington wrote, are the Islamic Resurgence and demographic explosion in Islam, coupled with the values of Western universalism—that is, the view that all civilizations should adopt Western values—that infuriate Islamic fundamentalists. All these historical and modern factors combined, Huntington wrote briefly in his Foreign Affairs article and in much more detail in his book, would lead to a bloody clash between the Islamic and Western civilizations.
Why civilizations will clash[ edit ] Huntington offers six explanations for why civilizations will clash: Differences among civilizations are too basic in that civilizations are differentiated from each other by history, language, culture, tradition, and, most importantly, religion. These fundamental differences are the product of centuries and the foundations of different civilizations, meaning they will not be gone soon.
The world is becoming a smaller place. As a result, interactions across the world are increasing, which intensify "civilization consciousness" and the awareness of differences between civilizations and commonalities within civilizations.
Due to economic modernization and social change, people are separated from longstanding local identities. Instead, religion has replaced this gap, which provides a basis for identity and commitment that transcends national boundaries and unites civilizations. The growth of civilization-consciousness is enhanced by the dual role of the West.
On the one hand, the West is at a peak of power. At the same time, a return-to-the-roots phenomenon is occurring among non-Western civilizations. A West at the peak of its power confronts non-Western countries that increasingly have the desire, the will and the resources to shape the world in non-Western ways. Cultural characteristics and differences are less mutable and hence less easily compromised and resolved than political and economic ones.
Economic regionalism is increasing. Successful economic regionalism will reinforce civilization-consciousness. Economic regionalism may succeed only when it is rooted in a common civilization. The West versus the Rest[ edit ] Huntington suggests that in the future the central axis of world politics tends to be the conflict between Western and non-Western civilizations, in [Stuart Hall]'s phrase, the conflict between "the West and the Rest".
He offers three forms of general actions that non-Western civilization can take in response to Western countries. However, Huntington argues that the costs of this action are high and only a few states can pursue it. According to the theory of " band-wagoning " non-Western countries can join and accept Western values. Non-Western countries can make an effort to balance Western power through modernization.
They can develop economic, military power and cooperate with other non-Western countries against the West while still preserving their own values and institutions.
Huntington believes that the increasing power of non-Western civilizations in international society will make the West begin to develop a better understanding of the cultural fundamentals underlying other civilizations.
Therefore, Western civilization will cease to be regarded as "universal" but different civilizations will learn to coexist and join to shape the future world. Core state and fault line conflicts[ edit ] In Huntington's view, intercivilizational conflict manifests itself in two forms: fault line conflicts and core state conflicts.
Fault line conflicts are on a local level and occur between adjacent states belonging to different civilizations or within states that are home to populations from different civilizations.
Core state conflicts are on a global level between the major states of different civilizations. Core state conflicts can arise out of fault line conflicts when core states become involved. Some of these countries have clashed with the West and some have not. Perhaps the ultimate example of non-Western modernization is Russia, the core state of the Orthodox civilization.
Huntington argues that Russia is primarily a non-Western state although he seems to agree that it shares a considerable amount of cultural ancestry with the modern West. According to Huntington, the West is distinguished from Orthodox Christian countries by its experience of the Renaissance , Reformation , the Enlightenment ; by overseas colonialism rather than contiguous expansion and colonialism; and by the infusion of Classical culture through ancient Greece rather than through the continuous trajectory of the Byzantine Empire.
Huntington refers to countries that are seeking to affiliate with another civilization as "torn countries". Turkey , whose political leadership has systematically tried to Westernize the country since the s, is his chief example. Mexico and Russia are also considered to be torn by Huntington. He also gives the example of Australia as a country torn between its Western civilizational heritage and its growing economic engagement with Asia. According to Huntington, a torn country must meet three requirements to redefine its civilizational identity.
Its political and economic elite must support the move. Second, the public must be willing to accept the redefinition. Third, the elites of the civilization that the torn country is trying to join must accept the country.