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How did Stalin come to power and how did he make the. USSR into a world power? The Rise of Stalin in the USSR. Page 2. What was Russia like after the. Congress of theSocial Democratic PartyStalin at. Tiflis. Autobiography in perspective. Lenin. Iskra. Origins of. Bolshevism. The professional revolutionaries . relating to this as well as to other periods of Stalin's career— given to me by statesmen, diplomats, and politicians of many nationalities and conflicting political.

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J. Stalin) with an immediate task which is more reuolu- tionary than all the immediate tasks that confront the pro- letariat of any other country. The fulfilment of this. Between and , Joseph Stalin was the undisputed totalitarian dictator of the former Soviet Union whose “reign of fear” continues to maintain its egregious reputation. An examination of Stalin’s docu- mented behaviors attempts to evaluate any signs of psychopathology. The Big Three Joseph Stalin (Biography). SYNOPSIS (Quick Summary). Born on December 18,

Volume 4. Shaping the Political Structure of the Russian Federation. Theses for the Tenth Congress of the R. Endorsed by the Central Committee of the Party. Synopsis of a Pamphlet. Speech on the First Item of the Conference Agenda:

He contends that political leadership, in any context, should be faulted when it does not morally uplift or transform the people it serves, particularly when considering the question of political greatness, as Von Laue does. Russian History 17, no. Arnold considers the ways in which Stalinism emanated from the political beliefs and practices of Lenin, particularly with respect to how the Leninist party of professional revolutionaries acting in the name of the proletariat subverted socialist democracy and paved the way for the Stalinist bureaucracy.

Aron maintains that the initial findings of Soviet Stalinology, while being rich in detail and of immense significance in the USSR, have yielded few true surprises for the serious student of the Soviet Union and have served to confirm 4 Stalin Bibliography the main findings and theories of veteran scholars of Stalinism such as Robert Conquest, Richard Pipes, and Adam Ulam. Barghoorn examines the case made for compassionate understanding, fairness, and moral responsibility in judging Stalin by Theordore Von Laue in his essay which appears in this same issue of Soviet Union.

Barghoorn also discusses the possibility that Georgi Malenkov might become another Stalin, noting that, while the fifty-oneyear-old heir apparent to the Soviet dictator has several factors working in his favor, he lacks the enormous prestige of Stalin among the communist functionaries and leaders at home and abroad, has alienated some members of the Communist Party by his imperious behavior, and does not have the flexibility and experience to fashion Soviet foreign policy in the way like Stalin was able to do.

Reply by L. Buchanan paints a picture of Stalin as the most ruthless and unscrupulous Bolshevik revolutionary; a man who conceived the idea of the Cheka and played a leading part in the decision to execute the members of the Imperial family in Ekaterinburg in July ; a schemer who has managed to assume absolute power in the Soviet Union; and a tyrant who may come to pose a grave threat to European security.

This assessment of the degree of responsibility shared by Hitler and Stalin for the main steps taken by their respective regimes revolves around the contention that, while neither man created the circumstances which gave him his opportunity to rule nor could have achieved success without an extensive supporting cast, each was able to exert a powerful, even decisive, influence on the way events developed and on the policies implemented under their rule.

In advancing the argument that circumstances, particularly the disruption of normality and continuity by violent upheavals in both German and Russian society, placed the two men in a position which allowed their personalities, individual talents, and political views to assume inordinate importance, Bullock discusses the ability of the two leaders to establish a system of governance in which power remained inherent in the man, not the office; points out some of the key initiatives taken by the two men while in power; and suggests that no other party leaders on the historical scene in their countries at that time would have acted as each of them did in setting and implementing the kinds of policies that became the hallmarks of their respective regimes.

She first considers the writings of revisionist pioneers Sheila Fitzpatrick and Moshe Lewin and then turns to the work of J.

Joseph Stalin

Part II: Stalin. Chamberlin compares the practices of the tsarist state to those of the Stalin regime with respect to political repression, freedom of elections and the press, censorship of arts and letters, and the administration of justice, maintaining that the government of Stalin has proved to be far more restrictive and abusive than its tsarist predecessor.

Chamberlin looks back on nearly a half-century of Soviet communist rule, outlining the basic features of the regimes of Lenin, Stalin, and Khrushchev. In dealing with Stalin, Chamberlin describes the terror and darkness of the Stalin era while noting the constructive developments that took place during his rule, including significant advancements in industry, science, and education, and the emergence of the Soviet Union as the strongest continental power.

The death of Stalin, according to Clarke, will not presage the doom of socialism, as some Western commentators have forecast, but rather the beginning of the end of Stalinism and the emergence of socialism from the limitations and burdens under which it has suffered during the years of his rule.

In addition to pointing out the problems and shortcomings of the conceptual explanations of the direct connection between Bolshevism and Stalinism, Cohen explains why he feels that the main scholarly disservice of the continuity thesis has been to discourage close examination of Stalinism as a specific system with its own history.

He also sees a need for further consideration of a number of questions in the study of Stalinism, including the nature and depth of popular support for Stalinism both inside and beyond officialdom, and the extent to which the Stalin cult was an authentic phenomenon. Specious comparisons between the two dictators will not help the noncommunist world to recognize the true nature of the threat posed by the Stalin regime, a threat best countered by a concerted policy which aims to discredit Stalin, the Soviet regime, and Marxism itself as worthy sources of inspiration for reformers in other lands, according to Crankshaw.

This article lambastes the intelligentsia of the West for its eagerness to excuse the abuses of the Stalin regime and to propagate the myth that Stalin was a great progressive leader and humanitarian at heart.

Inasmuch as SB provides a record of scholarly opinion on Stalin and sheds light on the evolution and current state of Stalinology, the book, hopefully, may be of some interest to academicians as well.

An effort has been made to list only those articles in which Stalin figures prominently, but, in some instances, articles have been included which do not center on Stalin but are worthy of listing for one reason or another. Such a coverage policy obviously has a significant element of subjectivity built into it, making it vulnerable to criticism, but, all things considered, the use of a flexible standard in selecting the articles to populate SB seems to be warranted in order to maximize the potential value of the book for students of Stalin.

Having opted for a relatively broad definition of Stalin as a subject, SB follows a similarly liberal policy in selecting the types of articles to be listed. These nonacademic sources have been included for the benefit of individuals interested in reading about how Stalin was viewed and treated in those publications intended for a broad audience and which, by virtue of their mass circulation, helped to shape attitudes in the West toward Stalin and the Soviet Union during the years of his rule.

SB also reaches beyond the realm of nonfiction to provide a selection of articles dealing with artistic portrayals of Stalin, meaning with representations of Stalin in novels, short stories, poetry, drama, film, and art. These sources have been included primarily because portrayals of Stalin by Soviet writers, filmmakers, and artists in the years since his x Introduction death have helped to shape the study of the Stalin question.

Also included are a number of book review essays, particularly those which develop a position or offer a perspective on the subject of Stalin rather than limit themselves to a straightforward analysis of a single book or group of books. SB is intended to be the first volume in a two-volume set, with the second covering Englishlanguage books, essays, conference papers, and doctoral dissertations. Format User convenience is the main concern governing the structure of SB.

With more than main headings and nearly twice that number of subheadings, the subject index is designed to assist users in locating articles addressing highly specific aspects of Stalin and Stalinism as historical subjects.

Annotations Annotations accompany the vast majority of the articles cited in SB, the exception being those articles which, for one reason or another, could not be located. Designed for the nonspecialist, the annotations are descriptive, rather than critical, and aim to provide just enough information for users to make reasonably informed choices in determining which studies they might find particularly interesting or valuable for their purposes.

Hopefully, the main thrust of most of the articles which appear in SB has been captured along with a fair representation of the principal evidence or supporting information they present.

Pdf joseph stalin

Spelling The spelling of surnames has been standardized in the annotations as well as in the author and subject indexes. In bibliographic citations, however, author names have been spelled in accord with how they appear on title pages, leading to alternate spellings for some names. Adler and Paterson critique some thirty years of American writings which deal with the analogies between the fascist and communist totalitarian states, explaining why they believe that the Hitler-Stalin comparison is both a superficial and misleading one.

He contends that political leadership, in any context, should be faulted when it does not morally uplift or transform the people it serves, particularly when considering the question of political greatness, as Von Laue does. Russian History 17, no. Arnold considers the ways in which Stalinism emanated from the political beliefs and practices of Lenin, particularly with respect to how the Leninist party of professional revolutionaries acting in the name of the proletariat subverted socialist democracy and paved the way for the Stalinist bureaucracy.

Marxism has never denied the role of heroes. On the contrary, it recog- nises this role as considerable, but with those reservations about which I just spoke. It is a process that involves an intentional attempt by a leader to weave contemporary values into historic traditions.

This is also true of Stalin, as already shown, but what distinguishes this as a legitimation tactic, as opposed to a genuine manifestation of charismatic authority, is that it was a manufactured application by the Party and Stalin, not something that spontaneously emerged throughout the population during the course of the transforma- tional period. Ideally, this process would naturally emerge and be consolidated during a transforma- tional period, as the people view the emergent revolutionary leaders as a personification of change.

In the case of Stalin, the tactic used was the creation of a cult of personality, which in situations where charisma is viewed as an ideal type, and therefore something that can be approached but not achieved, the leader cult can be seen as an attempt to create an authority relationship in which the charismatic element is dominant, even if it is not spontaneous. Thus the cult of per- sonality is better termed a legitimation tactic, and not a manifestation of charismatic authority, by virtue of the fact that it must be purposefully manufactured to fit the 58 Cited in Eric van Ree, The Political Thought of Joseph Stalin: A study in twentieth-century revolutionary patriotism London and New York: Routledge, , p.

Peacock Publishers Inc. Jossey-Bass Publishers, , p. Hitler and Jesus Christ, Mussolini and Moses are being identified as essentially engaged in the same kind of work. But are they? By all accounts, Stalin was moreover neither representative of an awe-inspiring public speaker, nor was he endowed with an imposing physical presence.

As discussed above, the cult is best understood as an attempt to mobilise support for the post-revolutionary, post-Lenin regime. An Introduction Durham: Duke University Press, , p. Apor, J. Behrends, P. Jones and E. Stalin and the Eastern Bloc Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. Princeton University Press, , p. Between and the early s, for example, the Soviet media projected an image of Stalin as always closely associated with Lenin. Admittedly, the change was gradual.

While Lenin continued to appear in fake historical scenes with Stalin into the early s, he was nevertheless slowly effaced by his successor. The change of emphasis is epitomised by the cover of The Peasant Newspaper in , which shows a silhouette of Lenin in the background while a larger, full figured photograph of Stalin dominates the page.

Another example of this tactic is found in Pravda on May Day , when Stalin was portrayed as leading a huge procession throughout Moscow, with Lenin represented by only a poster strategically placed in the background. Importantly, the cult was not static. For example, during this period, Pravda hosted covers showing Stalin standing in front of Soviet factories appraising the good work done by the Soviet citizenry and The Peasant Newspaper featured him visit- ing collective farms talking with the happy farmers in front of their tractors.

During the war years, as the Soviet people were bat- tered by unbelievable miseries, the name of Stalin, and the faith in him to some degree pulled the Soviet people together, giving them hope of victory.

This, in turn, helped to solidify his reputation at home as the conquering hero and the staunch defender of Soviet national interests. Another dimension of the transformation was ideological. Because the communist revo- lution had also claimed moral superiority over the capitalist West, Stalin ensured that he was depicted as a defender of Marxism-Leninism.

Through his continued manipulation of the media, Stalin arrogated the position of Party historian, which ultimately allowed him to assume the role of a socialist theorist, the equal of Marx and Lenin. It began: In the theses. We know speak of eliminating 79 Wingrove, p. Apor et. This said, Stalin, who was undoubtedly in the position to do so, did not cease the cultivation of the cult.

The cult could not have assumed such proportions without his approval. Among the more famous odes to Stalin is M.

Psychopathology of Joseph Stalin

McNeal, Stalin: Man and Ruler Houndmills: Macmillan Press, , p. Killingsworth the kulaks and the new bourgeoisie as a class. Does this mean that in the NEP period a third class has taken shape in our country? Lenin spoke of two main classes. But he knew, of course, there was a third, the capitalist class. Again, this is an example of Stalin manufacturing association with the one Soviet hero. However, as he was not actually this type of figure, a seemingly major problem emerges when trying to forge an association of charismatic authority to Stalin.

To counter this, it is argued that by placing him with important revolutionary figures, and at important revolutionary events, Stalin and the Party were able to manufacture a direct association that was to endure long after his death.

Stalin's mysterious death

The argument presented: Hayward Hope against Hope: Collins, , p. Celebrations In the Time of Stalin Bloomington: Indiana University Press, , p.

They said there was no God, and I made my God of Stalin. If I was sick or something hurt me, then I thought it would go away because Stalin knew. He was just like a God. And HE stood, a little weary, pensive and stately.

One could feel the tremendous habit of power, the force of it, and at the same time something feminine and soft. I looked about: Everyone had fallen in love with this gentle, inspired, laughing face.

Stalin pdf joseph

To see him, simply to see him, was happiness for all us. This again speaks to the existence of a genuine bond between Stalin and his followers.

Over time, the base of the cult changed. The great projects of the state — the five year plans, the Moscow Metro, the building of new industrial centres — were all identified with the leader.

In my memory the pain and the horror of and had not grown cold. I remembered how. Stalin had deceived us, how he had lied to us about the past and the present. And nevertheless I believed him all over again, as did my com- rades.