House form and culture by Amos Rapoport; 4 editions; First published in ; Subjects: Domestic Architecture, Dwellings, Housing. House Forms and Culture - Amos Rapoport - Ebook download as PDF File .pdf), Text File .txt) or read book online. House, Form and Culture - Ebook download as PDF File .pdf), Text File .txt) or read book online. helpful book for an architectural student.
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Forrest R. Pit-k. HOUSE FORM AND CULTURE, Amos Rapoport. GEOGRAPHY OF RELIGIONS,. David E. Sopher. GEOGRAPHY OF CITIES, James E. Vance. PDF | Analyses of discourses around Western colonial enterprises in the There is immediacy in the architectural imagery in House Form and Culture. It. PDF | This series considered the underlying theoretical constructs that The book “House Form and Culture” was originally written in by.
One of the critical parameters which hugely alters house form, is the cultural characteristics of its residents culture explains different types of dwellings in different areas even with the same technological and economic status. In equal condition of all other parameters, cultural characteristics are the most affecting issue in the physical form and spatial configuration of the house. The challenging point is that the culture is a vast area from point of view of design. Taking this into account, in the present paper, in order to be able to face this challenge, impact of cultural characteristics in the design procedure and different house forms has been explained. Firstly, these questions are answered: Which cultural elements are the most influential ones affecting house form? How are these elements categorized in terms of their impact on the house form?
Bund aard, Mnesides Copenhagen: gests that Gree k temples are vernacular forms in this sense. The best in a Yugoslavian book deduring the Islamic period. One day the owner of the neighbouring garden brought a carpenter to the site and told him to build-up a house.
They stopped on a spot where the ground sloped gently downwards. The carpenter had a look at the trees, the ground, the environments, and the town in the valley. Then he proceeded to extract from his cummerbund some pegs, paced off the distances, and marked them with the pegs. He asked the owner which trees might be He sacrificed, moved his pegs for a few feet, nodded and seemed satisfied.
I0 These are. One starts with the simplest outline, the main features, and adds and elaborates the details and makes adjustments as one proceeds.
The outline is in the minds eye at the start, and even the execution involves the use of principles applicable to every building; the form also adjusts to given problems and available means without conscious aesthetic striving or stylistic interests.
Such buildings are based on the idea that a common task should be performed in the simplest, most unobtrusive and direct way possible. This can only occur in a society which is tradition bound, where the few changes that occur happen within a frame of a given common heritage and hierarchy of values reflected in the building types. There are many individual variations within a framework which can be adapted in various ways.
Although a vernacular always has limitations in the range of expression possible, at the same time it can fit many different situations, and create a place at each. It is, of course, precisely this limitation of expression which makes any communication possible.
To communicate, one must be prepared to learn as well as use the language-which implies the acceptance of authority, trust, and a shared vocabulary. Another characteristic of vernacular is its additive quality, its un10 D. Grabrijan and J. Bruno Taut shows how owner and designer can immediately agree on what to do, and the owner, in effect, is also the designer. See his Houses end People of Japan, 2nd ed.
Tokyo: Sanseido Co. In Switzerland every valley has a typical form of farmhouse-the model-with many individual variations within that basic type.
It is tiil:. Vernacular is also characterized by the greater importance and significance of relationships betwee elements, and the manner in which these relationships are aphieved, rather than by the nature of the elements themselves.
The model itself is the result of the collaboration of many people over many generations as well as the collaboration between makers and users of buildings and other artifacts, which is what is meant by the term traditional.
Since knowledge of the model is shared by all, there is no i:cr:d for drawings or designers. A house is meant to be like all the wellbuilt houses in a given area.
The construction is simple, clear, and easy to grasp, and since everyone knows the rules, the craftsman is called in only because he has a more detailed knowledge of these rules. Size, layout, relation to bite, and other variables can be decided by discussion and, if necessary, set down in a written contract.
The aesthetic quality is not specially created for each house-it is traditional and handed down through the generations. Tradition has the force of a law honored by everyone through collective assent. It is thus accepted and obeyed, since respect for tradition gives collective control, which acts as a discipline. This approach works because there is a shared image of life, an accepted model of buildings, a small number of building types, and, finally, an accepted 72ierarchy and hence an accepted settlement pattern.
As long as the tradition is alive, this shared and accepted image operates; when tradition goes, the picture changes. Without tradition, there can no longer be reliance on the accepted norms, and there is a beginning of institutionalization.
The introduction of pattern books is the first step in this process, as in the United States with barns and houses and in Japan with houses.
Tradition as a regulator has disappeared-notably in our own culture-for a number of reasons. The first reason is the greater number of building types, many of which are too complex to build in traditional fashion, This rise of specialization and differentiation is paralleled in the spaces within the buildings and the various trades and professions involved in their design and erection.
The second reason is loss of the common shared value system and image of the world, with a consequent loss of an accepted and shared hierarchy-and generally a loss of goals shared by designers and the public. This results in the disappearance of that spirit of cooperation which makes people respect the rights of adjoining people and their buildings, and ultimately the rights of the settlement as a whole.
Lack of cooperation leads to the introduction of such controls going beyond pattern books as codes, regulations, and zoning rules concerning alignments and setbacks, which also existed in some preindustrial towns.
For example, in Latin America under the Spanish, the Laws of the Indies pre- scribed narrow streets for shade, uniformity of facades, and orientation for winds; while Peking had rules regulating the hierarchy of colors, These rules do not usually work as well as the voluntary controls of public opinion. The distinction between traditional and modem societies can be understood in terms of the contrast between informal controls, affectivity, and consensus in the former, and impersonality and interdependent specialization in the latter,12 which would seem to correspond to Redfields concept of substitution of the technical order for the moral order.
The third reason for the disappearance of tradition as a regulator is the fact that our culture puts a premium on originality, often striving for it for its own sake. As a result, society becomes dissatisfied with traditional forms, and the vernacular process can no longer work.
This dissatisfaction is often based on nonfunctional considerations and is linked to socio-cultural factors. In most traditional cultures, novelty is not only not sought after, but is regarded as undesirable.
This book is concerned only in passing with modem vernacular and the question as to whether, in fact, it exists at all. Neither is it really concerned with architect designed buildings.
However, some reference needs to be made to these in order to complete the definition of vemacular and to clarify the areas of our concern. Avoiding for the moment the problem of whether a vernacular architecture is possible with modern communications and self-consciousness, I would suggest that there is a modem folk idiom, and that this is primarily, although not exclusively, one of type.
Most of the folk architecture in contemporary ,. The forms themselves have been those currently fashionable and commonly used; their wide dissemination by the various news media, films, and travel make it impossible to create forms in the traditional manner.
I have already suggested that relationships between these buildings can no longer be achieved through the informal controls typical of traditional vernacular.
Those forms which are still partly of that style-the Doggie Diners, concrete doughnuts, and so on-are designed for the popular taste, not by it, but they, as well as popular housing, continue to show some commonly held values more clearly than does the design subculture.
Finally we find that due to the causes already enumerated-greater complexity of problems and greater specialization-the design of buildings and settlements is increasingly the concern of professional designers.
What we find, in effect, is a double produced: change form is 1. Very few building types, a model with few individual variations, built by all. Preindustrial vernacular. A greater, though still limited, number of building types, more individual variation of the model, built by tradesmen. Higlz-style and modern. Many specialized building types, each building being an original creation although this may be changing , designed and built by teams of specialists.
These changes clearly involve a process of differentiation in building types and spaces, the building process, and the trades involved. This development is also found in other fields, such as textiles, tools, and pottery. In the case of the latter, for example, development starts with the individual family making its own pots, then continues with the craftsman potter, and finally evolves to the artist potter or the specialist designers of mass-produced pottery.
Randomness of the selected samples gives us the power to generalize the limited on-site collected data to the whole study domain. In the next step, obtained data are analyzed using comparative study and logical reasoning based on the theoretical framework which is considered in the present study.
In order to be able to understand the effects of different cultural elements on the house form, data associated with each sample forms are categorized based on the cultural elements. Finally, the results of comparison studies are presented in tables putting light on hidden aspects of culture-form and culture-design relation.
The hierarchy in the tables shows that the culture is associated with world-view of the people and can be seen in their everyday life, like the form of their houses. The results of the study indicate that the model is valid for different communities, and can be used for discovering cultural elements of a community in accordance with the house forms. Keywords: culture, world view, house form, lifestyle. Rapoport presented neatly distilled correlates of culture and house form with a large volume of cultural illustrations from across the globe.
The book is also a presentation of cross-disciplinary studies of dwellings, buildings and settlements from architecture, planning and cultural geography. As expected, the later part is relatively thin compared to the former, which is the real bone of the argument that Rapoport grinds into powder. The foundation of the book was laid on the intellectual debate of the meaning and characteristics of folk, primitive, and vernacular buildings on one side, and modern buildings on the other—possibly even forming a continuum.
Such deep and wide meanings of culture as later presented by Oyeneye et al , Norberg-Schulz , among many others, are denied the reader leaving a large vacuum of knowledge and intellectual dreariness that dates the book. The book should continue to be a great companion for all those who are advocates of a livable built environment. Works Cited Crowe, N.
Cambridge: MIT Press. Gould, J, and Kolb, W. A Dictionary of the Social Sciences. New York: The Free Press.