right by Monthly Review Press, 19GI, and from Regis Debray, V. I. Lenin, The Revolutionary Army and the Armed Struggle in the Revolution, 97 . contained therein, you download material (one machine readable copy and one. #Ebooks: RÉGIS DEBRAY, "Revolution In The Revolution?" (Grove Press, , pgs). Acesse o PDF / Faça o download do livro digital: musicmarkup.info by: Debray, Régis External-identifier: urn:acs6:revolutioninrevo00debrrich:pdf: bab-cdcdf-bb DOWNLOAD OPTIONS.
|Language:||English, Spanish, German|
|ePub File Size:||30.43 MB|
|PDF File Size:||12.23 MB|
|Distribution:||Free* [*Sign up for free]|
REVOLUTION? Armed Struggle and Political Struggle. In Latin America. Regis Debray. Translated from the author's. French and Spanish by Bobbye Ortiz. raRss . *This title is not eligible for purchase to earn points nor for redemption with your code in the Reader Rewards program. Buy the Ebook: Kobo · Barnes & Noble. Armed struggle and political struggle in Latin America. by Régis Debray; 1 edition ; First published in ; Subjects: Accessible book, Protected DAISY, Guerrilla.
Situated at the crossroads of philosophy, theology, anthropology, archaeology, history, sociology, political sciences, semiotics, media and cultural studies, mediology is a relatively autonomous discipline that analyses the totality of the processes of mediation that intervene between culture and agency, and trans- form ideas into a material force. Mediology or mediation studies broadens the notion of media so as to include all material and institutional vectors of communi- cation and defines mediation as the totality of interactions between culture and technology that make the diffusion through space and the transmission over time of ideas possible. One also needs a charismatic personality, seminal ideas, good contacts and contracts, a strong publication record, support of powerful institutions, and a solid network of faithful followers who want to spread the word through the academic world. Always radical, never consequent, his agile mind is always on the move — physically, between continents, psychologically, between moods, stylistically, between treatise and prose, intellectually, between disciplines, and politically, between Castro and Charles de Gaulle. He may defend un- fashionable positions, but at least, unlike some of the former Maoists, he has not sold out to liberalism.
He returned to the field, joining an unsuccessful guerrilla campaign in the Congo. In , he went to Bolivia to trigger a peasant-supported revolution across Latin American.
Without local help and hounded by the U. A peasant informed on the rebels. The remaining revolutionaries were outnumbered and surrounded in a valley. Cuban revolution Repressive government under Batista since Batista acted in favour of sugar barons, banks, gambling syndicates and the great corporate interests of the USA. He answered any opposition with assassination, breaking strikes with machine-gun fire, and using repression against the Cuban people to maintain the massive exploitation of sugar workers, farmers and women.
Military coup on March 10, Their first act was to launch an armed attack on the second largest military garrison in the country, the Moncada barracks base of the Maceo Regiment in Santiago, eastern headquarters of the military dictatorship.
Those mixed motives continued unabated until the s, when many of the criollos whose loyalty to Spain had been conditional on Spain supporting the slave trade and allowing their wealth turned to the idea of annexation by the United States, of Cuba becoming a state of the Union, as a more progressive way to preserve slavery and protect the whites.
What the episode also highlighted, however, was how divided and ambivalent Cuban society was, as the century progressed. However, this white—black division became a growing chasm, as increasing Spanish immigration boosted white numbers which was its intention, as far as the colonial authorities were concerned and as the threat of black rebellion loomed with even more slave imports. This was because the war was lost.
Secondly, the rebel forces became fatally divided, with white leaders fearful of the increasing blackness of the rebel army; for, in addition to those slaves released by their masters in the hope that they would side with the rebellion, the rebel ranks included many other blacks, who saw in the rebellion a struggle for racial equality as well as national liberation.
For them, the rebel slogan of Cuba Libre Free Cuba meant social liberation too. However, those defeated largely black rebels then staged a second rebellion, the Guerra Chiquita Little War , in — For, as the Cuban planters reeled under the effects of decline, defeat and discrimination, their lands in the east were increasingly bought up by new us-based agribusiness trusts, who established a new type of sugar complex in Cuba.
Instead of the traditional plantation around a single mill the ingenio , milling was now concentrated in fewer but much larger industrial complexes, centrales, many of which were us-owned, while cultivation of the crop was now left to a variegated combination of small farmers, larger owners, sharecroppers and tenants all known as colonos.
That cohesion was badly needed, for rapid social change not least after abolition and the effects of the war had exacerbated the existing divisions, between black and white, east and west, urban and rural, and increasingly between separatist and loyalist, for loyalism was rapidly losing its former strength as an increasing number of Cubans now saw Spanish colonialism as oppressive and decrepit, as having outlived its usefulness.
When us import tariffs on Cuban sugar were increased in , this all created the tinder for another rebellion. However, there were already problems. Secondly, the Spanish may have been weaker than in —78 but were still prepared to resist, in particular appointing the ruthless Weyler, who proceeded to enact two policies explicitly designed to counter the successful Cuban guerrilla tactics: on the one hand, a brutal scorched earth policy in the countryside, and also, more controversially, a concentration of the Cuban population into special camps, where disease and starvation took their toll.
The United States now became embroiled in the war, thanks to a powerful political and press campaign for intervention — supposedly to end Spanish brutality and injustices, which were constantly publicized in the new popular press — and responding to the demands for protection by us sugar producers in Cuba, but also to take geopolitical advantage at last of the resulting availability of Cuba.
In February the mysterious explosion of the uss Maine in Havana harbour gave the interventionist lobby a pretext and, by April the United States had declared war on Spain. The result was to convert overnight the third Cuban war of independence into the Spanish—American War, an embarrassingly unequal struggle fought largely in Cuba and the Philippines and at sea , which saw a decrepit Spanish fleet and army being quickly defeated by the growing military and economic might of the United States, leading to the Paris peace treaty to which Cuban representatives were, ominously, not invited and the end of the Spanish empire in Cuba in January Indeed, in , one such rebellion — by the opposition Liberals — had that very effect, the three-year us occupation —9 , projecting the Liberals into power and thus to the top of the patronage pyramid.
The third characteristic was a delayed, cautious and limited process of nation-building by the new Republican elite, which really only began to engage consciously in this task after the us intervention of —9.
Both crises and the social dislocations and poverty which they generated now engendered a violent and increasingly radical re-emergence of the old nationalism across the political spectrum and across classes. Eventually, in January , Batista overthrew the revolutionary government and proceeded to control Cuba for the next ten years.
Initially he did so through an immediate repression of the forces of the left and through a series of puppet presidents; however, after he ruled as constitutional president, elected on the crest of a wave of popularity. This popularity had been gained by a number of populist reforms which Batista ensured in the areas of sugar cultivation, labour protection, social provision and a limited economic nationalism , but also from two skilful political moves.
It was only in March , when Batista again seized power in a coup, that this stability and democratic period was ended, Batista remaining in power until the eve of the Revolution in December However, while stability may have been resolved, corruption and dependence had not. As for the old problem of dependence, after this had changed its character but not its essence.
With the abrogation of the terms of the Platt Amendment, the disappearance of the prospect of armed us intervention meant that us control of Cuba necessarily became less direct and obvious, and was now largely exercised through economic hegemony only.
This was achieved through two means. This therefore gave Cuba no control over its economic future and a high level of uncertainty about any long-term planning, forcing sugar producers to hold land in reserve in case future quotas or prices should improve; Cuba was thus still tied into an unequal relationship with the United States, but now without the old advantages brought by high sugar prices and by a dominant place among producers.
The result was a degree of security but a set of limitations that ultimately led to stagnation.
As for the radicalism which had emerged from the s, that had now dissipated into a crude populism which characterized all the main actors, but which failed to address these underlying problems, not least because no Cuban government really exercised full authority to do as it wished with either sugar or the us—Cuban relationship.
The us Ambassador may not have influenced Cuban governments behind the scenes, as had been the case in the worst years of the First Republic, but the Cuban government had little more autonomy in those areas where it might count. However, when the latter threatened to win the elections, Batista staged his coup, partly to head off this threat. The attack — on 26 July — immediately struck a chord. That platform essentially called for the overthrow of Batista and the restoration of the Constitution and thus, implicitly, for the 20 cuba in revolution enactment of the many social and nationalist reforms of the revolution , and focused on issues such as land reform offering all tenant farmers a minimum ownership of 27 hectares and an end to latifundismo, the traditional system of large, privately-owned landholdings, the need to halve all urban rents, a call for an expansion of education to all Cubans and a rural literacy drive, and generally a broad programme of social reform to attack poverty and inequality.
Hence there was no reason to suppose that the rebellion which Castro had begun would do anything other than follow this tradition. One other interesting feature in the speech was the absence of references to the United States, an omission largely explained by the fact that, politically, the immediate issue was no longer as it had been before , namely the Platt relationship and armed intervention, but rather the Batista dictatorship.
Guevara had travelled widely through Latin America and had seen both the aftermath of the failed revolution in Bolivia and, in , a us-backed military coup and invasion to end, violently, a popular reform experiment in Guatemala; thus he brought to the group a perspective that was critical of the United States and also a familiarity with Marxism and other radical ideas.
However, the yacht was delayed and the uprising was easily — but bloodily — repressed.
Their landing having been anticipated, the rebels were met by a military resistance that soon killed many and dispersed the group. Eventually a small group possibly up to eighteen , including the main leaders, the Castro brothers, Guevara and the fourth leader, Camilo Cienfuegos, found their way into the nearby rugged Sierra Maestra, where they regrouped and set up a guerrilla base.
During this process, three things happened. Firstly, Castro emerged as the main credible opposition to Batista, partly through a series of skilful agreements with other groups, partly through good propaganda, but also through the disappearance of any alternatives.
Secondly, under the influence of their contact with the local peasantry, their shared struggle, and the ideas of Guevara, the Sierra guerrillas — now the Rebel Army — became increasingly radicalized in 22 cuba in revolution their political perspectives and long-term objectives, developing a commitment to social revolution and anti-imperialism that went beyond the limited aims of political rebellion and social reform.
Finally, the Rebel Army launched a westward advance in three columns, which, showing considerable military prowess especially under Guevara , easily defeated the army as it went and soon reached the west, incorporating the dre on the way. The Cuba which the rebels now found under their control was thus one that had changed substantially since However, the —8 experience had added some important elements.
Now they constituted an important part of the rebel alliance, offering unconditional support and the use of their considerable membership estimated at about 6, Finally, the radicalization of the 26 July Movement, and especially of its Sierra wing, meant the prospect of a very different approach to government from that expected in Thus, while the arrival of the new revolution could be seen in some respects as a culmination of earlier radical traditions and episodes, not least , in other respects it offered something new, a departure from those traditions.
Hence, by focusing on crises rather than phases, a different paradigm can be presented to enable our understanding, one which sees the process of change largely developing reactively because Cuba has essentially always been a small underdeveloped economy and a lesser player in global power struggles but also obeying certain underlying imperatives from within the revolutionary leadership and from the more activist sectors of the population.
Why, though, does the Revolution have this history of an underlying and apparently inherent tendency towards crisis? There are two sides to the answer. One might argue that crisis is, and must be, inherent in any process of revolutionary transformation; quite simply, a revolution that does not generate and pass through crisis is probably not revolutionizing the structures of the country in question.
Every substantial change to a society involving migration, sudden development, emancipation, and so on , to an economy expropriating, distributing and so on or to a political structure empowering and disempowering, or mobilizing massively necessarily creates an entirely new situation to which the population and leadership must react, but without experience of how to do so; if a process of revolution is deep and continuous, then the revolutionary leadership 26 cuba in revolution must always be in only limited control of that process.
Why then have these crises been characterized by an essentially cyclical structure? Mostly, however, the debate has been implicit and hidden, or a process of questioning rather than open discussion; often these debates have taken place behind closed doors literally or metaphorically , either within the leading group or inside privileged academic circles, either therefore hidden or somewhat subdued. Hence, outsiders easily miss them, assuming that apparent silence means decision by decree and conformity.
Invariably, of course, these new certainties have in turn been unable to survive the vicissitudes of internal change or external pressure, with the result that a new crisis has tended to emerge, thereby initiating a new version of the familiar cycle. The crisis in actually lasted several months, between January and June