musicmarkup.info Design DAHANKAND PDF FREE

DAHANKAND PDF FREE

Saturday, September 21, 2019 admin Comments(0)

Read Download Online Free Now eBook Samarkand: Recipes & Stories From Central Asia & The Caucasus By Caroline Eden;eleanor. Central Asia & The Caucasus By Caroline Eden;eleanor Ford free download pdf. Samarkand: Recipes & Stories From Central Asia & The. Download Samarkand Recipes And Stories From Central Asia And The Caucasus free pdf, Download Samarkand Recipes And Stories From Central Asia And.


Author:ELIDIA MODESITT
Language:English, Spanish, Portuguese
Country:Kosovo
Genre:Lifestyle
Pages:726
Published (Last):02.11.2015
ISBN:278-8-56115-245-7
ePub File Size:18.59 MB
PDF File Size:8.23 MB
Distribution:Free* [*Sign up for free]
Downloads:33664
Uploaded by: DWAYNE

Stroud, Jonathan - Bartimaeus 01 - The Amulet of Samarkand. Read more Bartimaeus Trilogy 01, Amulet of Samarkand. Read more. Bartimaeus Trilogy 01, Amulet of Samarkand. Read more Stroud, Jonathan - Bartimaeus Trilogy, Book 1 - The Amulet of Samarkand (v). Read more. PDF / EPUB / MOBI Samarkand By Amin Maalouf — — Samarkand. [New] Subscribe To Download or Read Ebooks for FREE — - Are.

Shelves: central-asia I wrote down 12 quotes from this book when I read it back in -- clearly I loved it. Of course, I am sure that a great deal of that love came from being in Central Asia at the time and having been to Samarkand. It's a fictional story about the Rubiyaat and Omar Khayyam. In I wrote down 12 quotes from this book when I read it back in -- clearly I loved it. In order to run things smoothly, one must forget oneself and only be interested in others -- particularly the most unfortunate; to get into power, one must be the greediest of men, think only of oneself and be ready to crush one's closest friends. I, however, will not crush anyone. It becomes unattractive to me, it becomes sordid and debased, no matter how beautiful it may have been.

This Hellenistic legacy continued as the city became part of various successor states in the centuries following Alexander's death, i. After the Kushan state lost control of Sogdia, during the 3rd century AD, Samarkand went into decline as a centre of economic, cultural and political power.

It did not significantly revive until the 5th century AD. Under Sassanian rule, the region became an essential site for Manichaeism , and facilitated the dissemination of the religion throughout Central Asia. During this time the city became a protectorate and paid tribute to the ruling Tang.

The armies of the Umayyad Caliphate under Qutayba ibn Muslim captured the city in circa from the Turks. The invention then spread to the rest of the Islamic world, and from there to Europe. Abbasid control of Samarkand soon dissipated and was replaced with that of the Samanids — , though it must be noted that the Samanids were still nominal vassals of the Caliph during their control of Samarkand.

Under Samanid rule the city became one of the capitals of the Samanid dynasty and an even more important link amongst numerous trade routes.

Samarkand – Travel guide at Wikivoyage

The Samanids were overthrown by the Karakhanids around During the next two hundred years, Samarkand would be ruled by a succession of Turkic tribes, including the Seljuqs and the Khwarazm -Shahs.

Samakandian Sogd The greenery of the trees and sown land extends along both sides of the river [Sogd] Every town and settlement has a fortress It is the most fruitful of all the countries of Allah; in it are the best trees and fruits, in every home are gardens, cisterns and flowing water. Mongol period[ edit ] The Mongols conquered Samarkand in No additional money was forthcoming from the provincial treasury, and the cost was estimated to be 2, roubles a year, out of a town budget of just 10, roubles.

Study the Russian language, send your children to Russian schools and introduce the study of the Russian language and Russian sciences to the Madrasahs.

These sciences do not interfere with our faith, but are useful. Your children and grandchildren will bless you. Suspicion of Russian motives and religious opposition remained a problem. As the District Commandant reported: In the course of his 18 year service as a teacher at a Mahomedan school, and eight years service at a Russian-native school he has always enjoyed the honour and respect of the local people, and was received in the best society in the town of Djizak.

They have taken their pupils out of the school, and rumours are circulating about him in the bazaar. The Popular Judge is clearly ill-disposed towards both teacher Muhammad and to the school itself, he calls the teacher a Russian dog and will not allow Muslim children to be sent to the school, because of which out of 23 pupils in there are now only The authorities in Samarkand did not appear to view it as an unlikely tale, however, and reacted to it with wearied familiarity: Salkov, analysing the origins of the Andijan uprising, wrote that the failure of the Russian-native schools was owing largely to the machinations of Ishans, another popular Russian belief.

Religion and the Problem of Islam 71 schools were handicapped by a limited curriculum and poor teaching. In the Governor of Samarkand Province reported that The reason for the weak connection between the natives and Russian enlight- enment is simply that apart from an elementary understanding of grammar, painfully absorbed by the natives over several years, the Russian-native schools give the natives no practical knowledge. The Russian-native schools produce only semi-literate people, and whilst they might be preferable to those entirely ignorant of Russian language and writing if they were to be appointed to posi- tions in the rural administration, they are admitted to these only in exceptional circumstances, determined by the Turkestan statutes.

The response from the various Districts in Samarkand was disappointing. By the late nineteenth century the network of missionary schools, in Northern India at least, had been largely subordinated to Indian aims, and parents could send their children to them to acquire a coveted English education without fear of attempts to convert them to Christianity. Nevertheless, whilst they increased over the years from the students who were enrolled in , the overall numbers were not encouraging, with only 3, students in Russian-native schools across the whole of Turkestan in By there were, by comparison, 6, maktabs and madrasahs in Turkestan.

Virsky believed that the Zarafshan Okrug had maktabs with 8, students, as well as 31 madrasahs with students. A report on Muslim educational institutions in the Samarkand District in revealed that there were maktabs, with 7, students, or over twice as many in this one district as attended Russian-native schools throughout Turkestan.

Turkestan never had a debate over the incorpora- tion of maktabs into the state system of the kind which occurred in the zemstvo provinces of Kazan, Orenburg, and Ufa: Religion and the Problem of Islam 73 were operating from Muslim educational institutions in Samarkand Province.

Nevertheless, the Andijan uprising of brought all Muslim religious and educational institutions under greater suspicion and scrutiny. The Kipchaks were a no- madic Uzbek tribe based in Eastern Ferghana and the surrounding mountains, who from to effectively controlled the Kokand Khanate.

Manz believes the uprising should be interpreted as an attempt on their part to regain the power they once had. Babadzhanov trans. Religion and the Problem of Islam 75 of change in the rest of the Empire and retarding sblizhenie. Both sides claimed that Andijan vindicated their point of view, but it was the military who could claim a victory.

The political tendency of Pan-Islamism is towards acknowledging the Turkish Sultan as leader. The danger is that the devotion of the native population of Turkestan to another power will cause a national religious crisis. See esp. For discussions of these two odd characters, see also Batunskii, Rossiya i Islam, Vol. II, —60, —72 Miropiev and Vol. Some of the changes thus initiated, such as the introduction of benches, desks, blackboards, and maps into classrooms, were perhaps merely cosmetic; others, such as the use of textbooks printed in Cairo, Kazan, or Constantinople, were rather more substantial.

This was not the name the reformers used themselves, but a somewhat derogatory term used by their opponents.

DAHANKAND (NAAGYAAN -5) NAGRAJ – RC 2310

They preferred to refer to themselves as Tarraqiparvarlar progressives or later simply as Yoshlar Youth. Dudoignon and F. Georgeon eds. Religion and the Problem of Islam 77 Figure 2. Sartskaya Shkola Sart School Samarkand c. Prokudin-Gorskii Collection, Library of Congress. As they were all Muslims, they inevitably repor- ted that all was quiet. The evidence seized consisted principally of an educational pro- gramme for the reformed maktabs of Turkestan; hardly an elaborate Islamic conspiracy, but viewed with great suspicion nevertheless.

See also Brower, Turkestan, Religion and the Problem of Islam 79 appeared in Turkestan after the relaxation of the Empire-wide censorship laws in the wake of the Revolution of Did they view it as a comparable threat, and how did they approach it? British attitudes towards Hinduism and the various popular cults of India need not concern us here, although they necessarily meant that there were multiple alien religions demanding the understanding and attention of British administrators, rather than just a single one.

The account was designed to make Turkestanis ashamed of their backwardness; it does show that the Muslim community in India was viewed as a model for reform. The reaction among the Muslims of Upper India was somewhat different. Nevertheless, an adjustment had to be made from State patronage of mosques and other institutions, which ceased, to that of private charity. In the Ghazi ud-din Madrasah in Delhi adopted English classes under the encouragement of Sir Charles Trevelyan, despite misgivings that this might mark the beginnings of proselytization.

The impulse to purify grew stronger, as did a more combative attitude towards Christianity. In violent and unmeasured language they attacked the followers and the holy places of other creeds; annoying, and insulting beyond expression the feelings of those who listened to them.

In this way, too, the seeds of discontent were sown deep in the heart of the people. The Russians shared the former, if not necessarily the latter, part of this belief. This was not a wholly unreasonable view of the events of , as it was shared by many Englishmen.

Dr William Wilson Hunter was perhaps the most prominent of these. However, this was only one side of Anglo-Indian thinking about Islam, and it was not that which ultimately prevailed. Even Lyall, who was suspicious of Islam, described the quarrel between Muslims and their British rulers as if it were a domestic tiff, rather than an existential struggle: I believe that, to other nations who act as bystanders, the real wonder is that the blunders are not more, and that unpleasant premonitory symptoms of trouble or ill-feeling are on the whole so slight.

I have attempted to sketch, though much too rapidly and imperfectly, the principal causes and conditions which have originated and still keep up among the Mahomedans a certain irksome dissatisfaction with Government, and which must long postpone a complete reconciliation between us and that high-spirited but somewhat uncompromising community.

Hunter, Our Indian Musalmans. See J. Gopal, DNB, for a full account of his career. Mason, Report on the Hindustani Fanatics. Compiled in the Intelligence Branch Simla, , 1— The Lieutenant-Governor does not believe that there is any part of India where Muhammadans are so well-disposed to Government as in the Punjab. In a speech at Lucknow in , for instance, he said that: Religion and the Problem of Islam 87 of course, be compared to prominent Muslims who collaborated with the Russians, such as the Tashkent merchant Said Azim-Bai, but he was not simply a colonial stooge.

It was precisely his brand of educational reform which attracted so much suspicion from the Russian authorities when it was advocated by the Jadids. Nevertheless, he received much encouragement and assistance from the Imperial State in India. The Government of the North-Western Provinces granted 74 acres of land free of charge for the Muslim College at Aligarh, together with an annual grant-in-aid of Rs and Rs 10, for scholarships.

They took a romantic view of the glories of Muslim rule and Muslim aristocratic culture, to which they considered themselves to be the successors, and continued to promote the use of Persian and a highly elaborate form of Urdu as a mark of civility. Above all, they had no expectations that Islam would simply collapse and disappear, and instead gave encouragement to its reformers. The Russians remained stuck in a mindset which dictated that all Muslims were fanatics, which both complicated their search for local collaborators and slowed the pace of change: Their exaggerated dread of a Muslim revolt made them excessively cautious.

However, whilst they handled religious elites with kid gloves, they were prepared to be more radical when dealing with secular ones. As a conscious policy this was a post-Mutiny phenomenon; before the British had aggress- ively deposed Indian rulers and emasculated rural elites such as the Oudh Taluqdars.

Revenue agreements were in theory reached with each individual smallholder, and in practice with high-caste groups and village elites, whose position was greatly strengthened as a result. The King of Ava was deposed, the Burmese aristocrats and rural gentry or Myothugyi given no role in the new administration, and their mansions demolished. Instead a purely British Indian administration based on ryotwari was introduced, largely staffed by Indians working with salaried Burmese village headmen of a type that had not existed before: Here the British made their most comprehensive use of pre-existing tribal and religious hierarchies in territories under their direct control.

In Sindh their principal collaborators were families of Pirs, hereditary Muslim saints, who were often also substantial landowners. This was also the policy pursued with tribal leaders, petty Khans, and other landowners in the settled districts of Trans-Indus Punjab. Marshall, Bengal: The British Bridgehead. Constructing South India — Berkeley, Not only did these men exercise judicial authority and collect revenue, they were initially expected to manage the troublesome relations with Pathan tribes across the Frontier, and later in the tribal autonomous areas.

The extent of British dependence on these elites is revealed by the fact that when they failed spectacularly in their duties, or even connived in tribal raids, they were often given no more than a slight rap over the knuckles and a temporary reduction in their retainer from the State. He demonstrated his loyalty to his British masters by raiding the Akazai villages across the border, but was still left in enjoyment of his jaghir of Rs 12, per annum.

All of these different means of controlling alien societies had something to re- commend them, and they all had their drawbacks. Imperial regimes faced a choice between prioritizing legitimacy or loyalty among their native agents. In Punjab, Sindh, and the Princely States we can see the British choosing the former, appropriating the pre-existing legitimacy of local elites for their own ends.

In Bengal the British created an elite which owed a great deal to the Raj but normally had little independ- ent legitimacy, though this could be built up through patronage. Under ryotwari and in Burma there were substantial landowners but they did not act as local agents for the Imperial State.

The Creation of a Local Administration 91 intermediaries. In Turkestan these essential questions remain largely unanswered: If the latter, did they then create new ones, on the zamindari model, or did they ignore the idea of aristocratic government altogether? Were they more interested in using existing patronage networks, or creating their own? To this we might add the popular impression that the Russian Empire was intensely hierarchical, conservative, and aristo- cratic, an idea seemingly reinforced by the almost seamless absorption of the Baltic German, Tatar, and Georgian nobility into the Russian aris- tocracy, and the crucial role which they sometimes played in governing the borderlands.

In the Turkestan Oblast itself. It seems to us, that above all we should use the prepared material presented to us, and in this respect follow the example of the English. Furnivall, Colonial Policy and Practice Cambridge, , — The Russian Empire and its Rivals London, , Anything he raised over and above that from the peasantry he could keep for himself.

These included Shahrisabz, just over the hills from Samarkand to the south, together with the minor Bekstvos in the mountainous areas of the Upper Zarafshan, and, still further to the east, the Bek of Hissar. Whether collecting taxes on their own behalf or in order to remit them to Bukhara, the Beks stood at the head of the revenue administration. The principal but by no means the only taxes in Bukhara were the usual Muslim cesses of kheraj and zakat.

In Islamic juridical theory the former is a tax of 20 per cent of the harvest, but in Bukhara it was levied mostly in kind and at inconsistent rates. In other regions a different system applied, and there was no levy on the land itself, only a tax of 15 , 16 , or 18 of the value of the crop—Semenov was alive to these inconsistencies, but not very good at explaining them, possibly because he seems to have been relying heavily on Khanikoff, whose observations on Bokharan administration are frequently inaccurate.

Henderson trans. Siddiqui Patna, , trans. There were numerous other cesses apart from these: Only kheraj, zakat, and the various forms of land tax were generally remitted to the centre, the others being gathered and distributed on the spot to meet immediate expenditure.

These men received a proportion of the taxes they collected in lieu of pay. The following is an account of the manner in which the administration of the territory of Kokund which is also denominated Ferghana is carried on. The Criminal, Fiscal, Judicial and Military authority rests in one and the same person.

Hassan : the story of Hassan of Bagdad, and how he came to make the golden

Men of family and descendants of great men are called Begzadahs. This suggests a relatively centralized system of Government in the settled areas of the Khanate, although in the mountainous regions authority was devolved to Kirghiz tribal leaders. These bekstvos were further subdivided, as in Bukhara, into Aksakalstvos, where taxes were collected. They also received petitions from Aksakals and Aryk- Aksakals.

Bababekov, Istoriya Kokanda Tashkent, , — The Creation of a Local Administration 97 in Europe: They are not servants of the King. There are about such families: Of the Highest Rank—20 Of the Middle Rank—40 Of the Lower Rank—40 I do not know the value of their estates which are both hereditary and also transferred from one to another by download. They do not enter service but depend for maintenance on their estates, large or small as they may be. The Administration of Bukhara, 16— He appears to be the originator of the Russian understanding that mulk and amlak refer, respectively, to private and State land, stating that they were separate legal concepts.

However, he went on to say that in contemporary Turkestan they had become, to all intents and purposes, the same thing, namely hereditary property in private hands, and admitted that he had no idea how this transformation came about.

See I. Rostislavov was an administrator working in Samarkand Province and seems to have understood Persian, as he refers to nine Islamic judicial sources, local land deeds, and the advice of the Samarkand Qazis. Moscow, , — The Creation of a Local Administration 99 the latter and rejecting the view that the former was State and the latter private property: A common form of land tenure, that is land, which in theory is considered to be the property of the state, but is held in permanent and hereditary use by those landholders who have converted it, who have the right to sell their plots.

Shaniyazov questioned elderly inhabitants of the former Bukharan Emirate on the subject of the pre-revolutionary system of taxation. All his interviewees were in agreement that amlak and mulk were two different things: The rate of kheraj on amlak could be as much as 12 the value of the crop, and it constituted the principal source of income for the Emir. Instead they had the right to rents or taxes from the land, which was then remitted in varying proportions to the State.

II, 11—12, This is the meaning given by Khanikoff. Mahmud Khoja Ahrar. As Pahlen writes, to begin with political read military considerations were paramount, and the Russians introduced little by way of reforms: All the functionaries amongst the natives were left in their positions, and the taxes on the settled population were levied on the same principles which existed under the rule of the Khans.

Out of a feeling of solidarity with the native population, and in accordance with their own interests, both Serkers and the Zaketchis took the side of the payers, which they were able to do without any danger to themselves, as the Russian power was unable to have any real control over them. The Creation of a Local Administration Von Kaufman made a similar assertion, stating that for four and a half years after the conquest the administration of the Zarafshan Okrug in particular was left unchanged from Bukharan times as far as taxes and their collection were concerned.

Despite the fact that the Zarafshan Okrug was only formally annexed to the Russian Empire in , eighteen years after the conquest, the Russians set about reorganizing and altering its administration in , even as they hinted to Bukhara and to the British that they might be willing to hand it back. Accounts of the fall of Samarkand tend to concentrate on the military campaign, and by the time a chancellery had been established there and had begun producing documents the expropriation and expulsion of the Beks was already a fait accompli.

However, the Russian attitude towards these petty rulers, and the means by which they stripped them of their powers, can be gauged quite well by this decree from Major-General Abramov, conqueror of Samarkand and Governor of the Zarafshan Okrug, issued after a brief campaign in which resulted in the annexation of three mountainous Bekstvos in the valley of the Upper Zarafshan: To all inhabitants of Magian, Farap and Kshtut.

By order of the Governor-General, all the lands of Magian, Farap and Kshtut are united to the lands of the Zarafshan Okrug and henceforth will be ruled by the Russian Government. The population must submit to its Government and pray to God for the White Tsar, who in his mercy has taken them under his high patronage. Those who do not appear within this time will be removed from their posts.

The Russians sought lowlier collaborators. There was a widespread Russian belief that to be legitimate a mulk estate had to be inherited, and could not be bought or sold.

The Creation of a Local Administration Figure 3. Jura-Bek, the former Governor of Kitab. Almost all these Mulkdars [sic] give their land in permanent rent, to peasants, mujiks, who do not have their own land and who settle around their rented land, and give the impression of being serfs.

Very early on, the question of mulk or amlak came to be closely linked with the question of how to deal with the Khoja lineages of Turkestan.

Abramov reported to von Kaufman on the existence of land: Otherwise the private property of independent individuals acquired by download. One out of four of the owners has documents from the father of the current Emir, others from the previous owners of the property. The Creation of a Local Administration land does not go to the treasury, but into the hands of Khojas and other private individuals. These private individuals [who enjoy their land] on unknown grounds, without paying tax, are usually Khojas.

There is no doubt that others were not far behind, often bearing the title of Khoja illegitimately. There is no way of verifying their antecedents.

Syrov who commanded a Ural Cossack Sotnia which was ambushed by a large force of Kokand cavalry at the village of Ikan near Chimkent in Their heroic resistance and eventual escape was a much lauded episode of the conquest. He told Abramov that all those holding mulk land and claiming to be Khojas or Sayyids must be required to produce genealogies proving their descent, and if these were held to be genuine they would be put on a special list which also declared what income their mulk land brought in.

He came to a somewhat different and not wholly erroneous conclusion as to the origin of mulks: Legend has it, that Timur, needing some cash, after advice from his counsellors, sold into private hands a portion of Government land, with the right of hereditary ownership and freedom from taxes in the future. The Creation of a Local Administration his view, invalidated them altogether. These rights were supposed to be supported by documents, and only to pass by descent from father to son.

Now, however: All the evidence shows that there are no grounds for considering such lands to be mulk, that is the property of private individuals, still less now because the latest pretenders have nothing in common either by blood or background with those on whom the Emir at some point bestowed the right to collect taxes.

At the present time, furthermore, when we demand the original documents from them, it turns out that they struggle to produce them, because it would appear that they do not have them. It is still unclear whence the idea arose that mulks could not be transferred by sale, or why the Russians would not accept more recent documents from Bukharan rulers as proof of the right to collect taxes, but whatever the reason they decided that the institution of amlak or mulk as they encountered it was corrupted and illegal.

Abramov claimed his resolve was hardened by petitions from the peasants who farmed mulk land. He joined the Ural Cossacks in , serving with them until when he became an administrator, although he still participated in the Bukhara, Khiva, and Kokand campaigns, in the last of which he was killed before Makhram in His extensive knowledge of Samarkand suggests he served there, but I have not yet found his formulyarnyi spisok. He persists in referring to amlak as State land and mulk as private property, something which can by no means be taken for granted.

In a report to the Ministry of Internal Affairs on progress in the Zarafshan Okrug averred that all land in Turkestan, with a few exceptions, must be considered State land but that it was alienated for the permanent of use of those who occupied it.

The Creation of a Local Administration ownership of occupied land was vested in the cultivator or the State and what rights the occupier had.

Given the frequent references to this process being based on customary law, under the supervision of Qazis, this does not seem to represent a substantive break with pre-conquest Muslim practice, let alone the sweeping reform posited by Pierce.

In the end they decided to recognize effective occupancy of the land by peasants, prob- ably a much more sensible solution than any they could have arrived at through studying imperfect translations of dubious Islamic legal precedents. Ignatiev, explaining the conclusions of the Girs Commission in , averred that there was already de facto private property in land in Turkestan, subject to the payment of the neces- sary taxes and levies mortgaging was forbidden to prevent Jews and Hindus from acquiring land , but there was no indication that this originated with the Russian conquest.

The Commission believed, at least, that previously cultivators had had proprietary rights, but that land reverted to the State if it was left uncultivated for three years. An article by O. Shkapsky on amlak alleged that all land in permanent hereditary occupation in Turkestan fell into this category, and had done since the time of the Khanates.

Ultimate ownership was now vested in the Tsar, and hence revenue was submitted, via the Aksakals, to Russian administrators rather than Bukharan and Kokandian Beks, Serkers, or Amlakdars.

The Creation of a Local Administration quickly seized upon. In August the Governor of the Zarafshan Okrug reported that The Jam Volost Upravitel has informed the Acting Nachalnik of the Katta- Kurgan Otdel, that some of the inhabitants of the village of Yangi last year did not pay the savashil zakat, and this year also do not want to pay the savashil, podosh or 33 kopek taxes, and that for all this the Aksakal Mullah Farmankul is guilty.

The rebellious villagers do not pay the Russian taxes, but take them to the Bukharans. But how the administration of the Otdel, in the course of two years failed to discover that there was a village in the Otdel.

All those people questioned by chinovnik Rostislavov, to the number of six, explained that at the time when Mr. The Creation of a Local Administration the border—the Aksakal Farmankul said that the people of Yangi remained Bukharan subjects, and because of that they should pay all their taxes not to the Russians, but to the Bukharans.

Three of those questioned: Babajan, Mumin- bai and Hakim-bai, added that after Mr.

Pdf free dahankand

Already in , when Grebenkin was in charge, before the arrival of land surveyor Zhukovsky, the inhabitants of the village of Yangi met in the village of Sipkau in my courtyard. Farmankul proposed a choice to them: After this Farmankul returned and told this to the people of Yangi so that that they said that their village was in the Bukharan dominions. It could be argued that sentiment, or a desire to continue under a Muslim ruler, accounted for the desire of the inhabitants of Yangi to avoid paying their taxes to the Russians.

Lt Anichkov, who was sent out to the village to investigate this, offered a slightly different explanation when he wrote to the Katta-Kurgan District Commandant on 20 March The Aksakal probably insisted on being paid in these because they were more valuable than the Bukharan tenga, which was seven to the rouble many thanks to Dr Timur Beisembiev for suggesting this explanation.

Apart from this there are other reasons for their gravitation towards the Emir; for instance: This has to be borne in mind when assessing Russian claims about the weight of taxes under the Bukharan administration, and their generosity in reducing the burden. On the other hand, this does seem to have been a tax that fell largely on the wealthier inhabitants of the village—only 14 men are listed, owning between 40 and sheep, and sometimes as many as horses.

Kheraj, however, was a tax that fell on rich and poor alike. Not only were these agents unreliable, the lack of any comprehensive survey of agricultural land in the region meant that the authorities had very little idea of how many acres were being harvested each year, and with what crop. This information was essential if they wanted to maintain a revenue system based largely on kheraj, which was now to be paid wherever possible in cash.

The kheraj cess. The Creation of a Local Administration cess requires an endless number of eyes and hands, in order to ensure that movable objects subject to tax should not be hidden, unpaid for etc. The sole means of verifying the current system of revenue collection is to conduct a poll of names of all the inhabitants. It is necessary only to recall our religious difference, a few verses of the Koran, Asiatic cunning—to see that the method outlined above has become a comedy, in which, once again, the comic role is played by us.

The Aksakals were given the task of reporting how many tanaps in their villages were under cultivation, and which crops had been sown, so that no continuous reassessment of the kind required in British India under ryotwari was needed. From the Russians introduced a new system of indirect elections to the post of village elder Selskii Starshina or Aksakal which was ostensibly based on that used in European Russian villages. The question of how well the new native administration worked, and the sort of men who came forward to man it, will be dealt with later.

I can only speculate as to what may have happened to them—perhaps they were simply destroyed in —18, or at the time of Collectivization? There is no reference to them in the Oblast and Uyezd Chancellery catalogues, or those of the central Turkestan treasury. II, 45—9, Barthold wrote, with characteristic insight: There are parallels with British policy: If the opinion formed by Captain Wace be correct, I think it speaks badly for the Jagheerdars of the Hazara District, and shows that one of the main objects of the Government in granting these jagheers, viz.

The Creation of a Local Administration whether or not they were worth cultivating. There seem to be two elements to the solution of this puzzle.

First, by the s Russia was not itself governed aristocratically outside St Petersburg and the provincial capitals—indeed most historians of this period argue that the nineteenth century saw the progressive eclipse of the rural aristocracy in Russia and its replacement by a professionalized if not well-educated bureaucracy.

Among the effects of the emancipation was the substitution of landowners with local policemen as the main agents of the State in the countryside, and the extension of peasant self-government along the lines adopted in Turkestan a few years later. Richard Pipes Cambridge, Mass. However, the British professional middle classes continued to show an almost touching faith in the virtues of aristocratic government, and nostalgia for the rural idyll it was supposed to have sustained in Britain before the Industrial Revolution.

To this we must add local factors that made it still less likely that the Russians would try to preserve or create a class of Muslim landholders in Turkestan on the model of the Zamindars in Bengal.

This helps to explain his refusal to countenance the rights of Amlakdars, and instead use an extremely tendentious reading of Islamic law and custom to undermine their position. The immense suspicion with which von Kaufman and Abramov viewed the religious pretensions of many Amlakdars as Sayyids or Khojas is clear from their correspondence on this issue. Whilst they were wary of interfering directly with waqf, mulk land was more closely integrated with the structure of the pre- conquest State, and less religiously sensitive.

How the British Saw their Empire London, , 43— Thus the emasculation of rural elites was also another element in Ignorirovanie, designed to demoralize and decapitate the Islamic hierarchy. As early as General Yermolov restricted the powers and privileges of the Agalar landowners in Azerbaijan, and expressed strong reservations over the wisdom of working through them, and interestingly Paskevich also insisted on documentary evidence of noble status when deciding on Russian policies towards elites in this region.

He believed that the Russians had made a grave error in adhering to their traditional policy of trying to win over and support the local nobility and tribal leaders in the North Caucasus. Thus in Samarkand Province the census listed just male hereditary nobles, of whom were Russian and the remainder mainly Polish.

Only four Tajiks, four Tatars, and two Kazakhs were members of the noble estate in the province, and Uzbeks and Sarts were entirely unrepresented. By the early s there was a strong body of opinion arguing for the abolition of the Protectorates of Bukhara and Khiva as well, as they were seen as fostering ignorance, backwardness, and religious extremism.

In the General Staff in Turkestan published a translation of an interview with a Russian General name unknown who was on a hunting expedition near Lake Balkhash, taken from the Lahore Pioneer Mail. Logofet, Strana Bezpraviya St Pb. BI Vol. I Tashkent, , No. The Creation of a Local Administration policy on the North-West Frontier, saying that he could not understand why, if the Maliks bosses who acted as British agents in the region were found to have been conniving at tribal raids, they were not immediately executed, rather than wasting time on judicial proceedings.

Every set of statutes produced for Turkestan in the nineteenth century included this expression in the title. However, although the Russians had little time for rural aristocracy, it would be wrong to think that they had no collaborators at all among the native population and simply ruled by the sword.

Rather, they sought their agents elsewhere and attempted to ensure their loyalty by choosing people who would owe everything to the Russians. This was increasingly true of the village elites who became Volost Upraviteli, Aksakals, and Qazis, and it was also true, to some degree, of urban, mercantile elites: IV Tashkent, , 16— Territorial or functional administration?

In civilian areas the Zemstva were responsible for education, public health and sanitation, and numerous other duties, whilst there was an independent judiciary separate from the executive: As Pahlen wrote in Now the Uyezdnyi Nachalnik.

Superintendent, Policemaster, Head of the land administration in his administrative capacity , Head of the urban administration, Urban Justice, Chairman of the land revenue board, hospital committee Chairman, Presiding Director of the prison division. Chairman of the Uyezd and urban committees on public health, Chairman of the Uyezd and urban sanitary works committee in charge of monthly inspections.

The Magician of Samarkand

Besides all this, he is entrusted with the supervision of the popular [Sharia] courts and of Waqf s, the control of irrigation and assists in the laying-out of areas for settlers. Saltykov-Shchedrin, Gospoda Tashkentsy. Kartiny Nravov St Pb. Krasnov and V. Daines eds. The Military Bureaucracy two-year course with a heavy emphasis on drill and reproducing the atmosphere of the barracks.

The Imperial Russian Army, — Bloomington, , Non-nobles, once they had passed through a lowly Junker School, would still have to serve as Praporshchiki Ensigns, but in effect no more than NCOs for several years before they could reach commissioned rank. Each coterie keeps apart from the others, and there is nothing like real general social life.

The Pahlen Report concluded that the military system was inadequate and recommended a professional civil service on the Indian model. Together with other parts of the Russian Empire, the British Empire was a frequent point of reference in criticisms of the administrative cadre in Turkestan.

Administrative posts in the English colonies in material respects are better organised than in ours. They give civil servants in their colonies the kind of privileges that we cannot even dream about.

Baskhanov, Voennye Vostokovedy, —7. Yagello ed. Nevertheless, these were not particularly high salaries, and life for these men could be very hard. The Administrator, even the District Commandant, is deprived of the possibility of bringing up his children at home. A social life, entertainments easily accessible to others, reading, all of these practically do not exist for the administrator.

Ivan Dionisevich Jagello — was himself a military linguist. He hailed from the nobility of the Estland Guberniya, the son of a Staff Captain. He subsequently completed the course in Eastern languages in the Asiatic Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and studied Hindustani in France. After the October Revolution he served in the Red Army. Baskhanov, Voennye Vostokovedy, —8.

Some of his contemporaries at least thought that Jagello himself was a part of the problem, ridiculing his Persian—Arabic—Russian dictionary: Marshall, The Russian General Staff, — The Military Bureaucracy Russian Uyezd. Pintner and D. Rowney eds. Between and 3. By —5 the proportion with a university education had grown considerably to It is the most fruitful of all the countries of Allah; in it are the best trees and fruits, in every home are gardens, cisterns and flowing water.

Mongol period[ edit ] The Mongols conquered Samarkand in Although Genghis Khan "did not disturb the inhabitants [of the city] in any way", according to Juvaini he killed all who took refuge in the citadel and the mosque, pillaged the city completely and conscripted 30, young men along with 30, craftsmen.

Samarkand suffered at least one other Mongol sack by Khan Baraq to get treasure he needed to pay an army. It remained part of the Chagatai Khanate one of four Mongol successor realms until The Travels of Marco Polo , where Polo records his journey along the Silk Road, describes Samarkand as "a very large and splendid city Timur id rule 14thth centuries [ edit ] Ibn Battuta visited in , and called the city "one of the greatest and finest of cities, and most perfect of them in beauty.

Pdf free dahankand

During the next 35 years, he rebuilt most of the city and populated it with the great artisans and craftsmen from across the empire. Timur gained a reputation as a patron of the arts and Samarkand grew to become the centre of the region of Transoxiana. Timur's commitment to the arts is evident in the way he was ruthless with his enemies but merciful towards those with special artistic abilities, sparing the lives of artists, craftsmen and architects so that he could bring them to improve and beautify his capital.

He was also directly involved in his construction projects and his visions often exceeded the technical abilities of his workers. Furthermore, the city was in a state of constant construction and Timur would often request buildings to be done and redone quickly if he was unsatisfied with the results. During his stay the city was typically in a constant state of construction.

The sextant was 11 metres long and once rose to the top of the surrounding three-storey structure, although it was kept underground to protect it from earthquakes. Calibrated along its length, it was the world's largest degree quadrant at the time. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.